InternationalTaner Akçam: The decision will be made by politicians, not historians
by Taner Akcam
Published: Tuesday September 15, 2009
Taner Akçam.
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The daily Taraf, dubbed
by Spiegel as "Turkey's most
courageous newspaper," on September 4 published an interview with Taner Akçam, who holds the chair in
Armenian Genocide Studies at Clark University. Professor Akçam, author of A Shameful Act: The Armenian Genocide and the Question of Turkish Responsibility,
Normalization vs. reconciliation
Taraf: How do you define the issue between Turkey and Armenia?
Taner Akçam: There are two separate problems between Turkey and Armenia. You could define the first as the normalization of relations and the second as the problem of reconciliation as a result of what occurred in history. These two problems should be dealt with entirely separately, and normalization of relations should be achieved immediately, without any precondition. There are some steps being taken right now in this direction, and this should be strongly encouraged.
The establishment of diplomatic relations should follow the opening of the borders. Azerbaijan should be made to understand that its objections are unjustified and that the normalization of relations between Turkey and Armenia is in its own interest also.
Whenever the discussion turned to the problems related to history, the late Hrant Dink would say, "The real problem is the normalization of relations and the opening of borders. Without that, you can't solve any problem."
The steps taken toward the normalization of relations won't solve the problems associated with history, but they prepare the groundwork for doing so. The establishment of peace is another issue altogether and should be taken up on its own.
An absurd question
Taraf: The establishment of a joint commission on research of the genocide claims is on the agenda. Through the efforts of certain civic organizations on this subject, some conferences were organized in Switzerland. What are your thoughts and recommendations regarding this commission and what it can achieve?
TA: If there is a problem between the two sides, and they want to find a resolution, of course the formation of a commission is appropriate. What is important is that they understand why the commission is being formed and for what purpose.
I don't believe that either Armenia or international circles will accept the formation of a commission based upon the recommendation of the Turkish government to "research the claims of genocide." It will be impossible to establish a commission for the purpose of coming to a conclusion on the question of, "Were the events of 1915 a genocide?" I think we need to put that idea completely out of our heads.
This idea is based on some false presumptions. First of all is a presumption that operates from an idea that there is an unknown out there, and that if historians were to get together and publish what they knew, this unknown would disappear. In fact, this is not the case, either for the Armenians or for the international academic world.
What we have before us is Turkey's policy of denial.
The subject bears a close resemblance to the Kurdish issue. For 90 years, Turkey claimed that there were no Kurds, and that these people were really Turks who happened to live in the mountains. Telling Kurds today, "Let's form a commission and study the problem scientifically, and if the commission determines that Kurds do exist, we'll move forward from there," makes about as much sense as saying, "We will accept the decision of a commission formed for the purpose of making a decision on the events of 1915."
Any commission would lack authority
Secondly, this belief rests on a false presumption that if the commission were formed and a conclusion were reached, everyone would agree and accept that conclusion. Neither Armenians nor the interested academic world expects or needs this.
Also, if a commission were formed with "the authority to make a decision regarding what happened in 1915," it would be disbanded the moment it was formed. Historians do not possess final authority to make definitive pronouncements on history.
One could claim that what we have is more of a legal issue than a historical one. Here's the question: Legally, can a definition that was created in 1948 be used to define an event from 1915? The separate sides could approach an [international] judicial institution and request a legal conclusion. An action like this has absolutely nothing to do with the idea of a historians' commission.
If the judicial institution were approached and it did not immediately dismiss the application for lack of jurisdiction, it is obvious what its conclusion would be. In accordance with accepted legal principle that a law cannot be retroactively applied, even if the events of 1915 were determined to fit the definition of genocide in the 1948 UN Convention on the Prevention and Punishment of the Crime of Genocide, it could not be applied retroactively.
Retroactive application of international law
In fact, the Turkish Armenian Reconciliation Commission, which was formed in 2001, made just such an application to an organization named the ICTJ (International Center for Transitional Justice) in 2003, and asked for the issuance of its opinion. The ICTJ issued an opinion that the events of 1915 fit within the definition of genocide given in the 1948 UN Convention; however, the definition [legal judgment] could not [legally] be applied retroactively.
Still, even if we are to accept this legal principle, in no way does this provide a balm to heal our wounds, because this isn't the real problem. For example, the principle of non-retroactive application for past crimes could be used in the Jewish Holocaust. The 1948 Convention was issued after the Jews were annihilated in Europe. And what is generally not known is that in none of the prosecutions that followed, including the Nuremberg trials, did a single Nazi ever get convicted of the crime of genocide. Now, in the face of these legal arguments, are we going to state that the Jews were not targeted for genocide?
The conclusion is obvious. There is no issue regarding the decision-making, and the notion of historians coming to conclusions on what happened in history is nonsense. Unless that person is an official with the state government, you will never find a historian who will state, "I'm going to tell you what happened in 1915, and you're just going to have to accept that."
Opening state archives
Taraf: There's talk about opening up the archives. Are there archives in Turkey that are closed and which, if opened, would provide enlightening information about history? Are there closed archives in Armenia? What is your opinion about Turkey's position regarding the archives?
TA: On this subject, there are two important archives in Turkey. One is the Ottoman Archive in Istanbul and the other is the General Staff Archive [in Ankara]. The Ottoman Archive is open to researchers. We know what records have been presented to researchers there.
In other words, you don't need to form a commission to gain access to the existing records in the Ottoman Archive. If there are records that have been held back, they can be made available without resorting to the formation of a commission.
If someone says those records won't be revealed unless a commission is formed, then yes, a commission could be formed for this special purpose. You could call it the Commission to Publish the Hitherto Secret Records.
The General Staff archive (ATASE for short) is truly closed. There isn't even an application form to request research there. That source should be opened to researchers. If the ATASE has records that do not appear in the eight-volume work that they published, [those records] can be published without resorting to the formation of a commission, or a commission could be formed for the organization of those documents.
There are no archives on this subject matter in Armenia because the state of Armenia was formed in 1918, and for that reason there is nothing about the events of 1915 in the Armenian State archives.
Private archives
The Dashnak Party archives in Boston are closed to researchers. There was an announcement, however, in 2009, that a digital transcription of the records is being worked on with great haste, and that the records will be opened once that is completed. It would be a great service if this archive were opened. It is not simply that keeping them closed is wrong; it is because [opening the archive] will confirm to everyone that it does not contain information that will change any of our [general] knowledge about what occurred.
Another archive that is closed belongs to the Armenian Patriarch of Jerusalem. An important source of the records of military tribunal prosecutions of members of the Union and Progress Party for the events of 1915 that took place in Istanbul between 1919 and 1921 are found there. The archives are closed to researchers, but Vahakn Dadrian possesses copies of a large number of those records, and much of his research has been also supported by those records. It would be a great service if this archive were also opened to researchers.
Of course, it goes without saying that if there are records that have not been revealed in these archives, records that have not been presented to researchers, they should be made accessible immediately; there is much to be gained from their availability to researchers. There could be ad hoc commissions formed for the purpose of getting these records published, or for example, on specific subjects, like population figures, but these efforts should not be conditioned on the reconciliation of both societies or the resolution of the problems arising from their history.
I should add that none of these archives holds information that will change what we already know about 1915. It is wrong to think that a heretofore unknown record exists within these archives which will unlock the question of whether or not a genocide took place. Besides, during the 1919 prosecutions it was revealed that documents that would have provided clear and definite evidence were destroyed. Nevertheless, the documents that remain are sufficient for us to come to a conclusion about what happened.
An open-ended process
We should mention the archives of other countries like Germany, America, and Austria. As someone who is for the most part familiar with what is contained in those archives, I can say without hesitation that all of the information in these archives supports a common theme. Besides, the academic world has for the most part formed its opinion about 1915 based upon the information that was brought to light from those records. That is, that the Union and Progress Party intended to destroy the Armenians, and that it put forth policies that would ensure this would occur.
In summary, of course, we can draw details from these archives that will fill out this general framework. But this kind of information isn't just lying there in archival records; it resides in private places that have not yet seen the light of day: in unpublished memories and other like sources. As new material is discovered and new analysis is presented, the research and debates around 1915 will continue as an open-ended process. This process, however, has nothing to do with the process of reconciliation between Turks and Armenians. If I say that studies about the Holocaust are the most developed of all genocide studies, I think it is understood what I am trying to say.
Taraf: If the job of examining the archives is given to a future commission or commissions, isn't there a danger that finding a solution to the problem gets postponed even further, to a time after this examination?
TA: This is in fact a very possible risk. The now 90-year-long Turkish policy of denial is in reality, a strategy of buying time. This strategy is what is behind pouring millions of dollars into Washington lobbyists. Every time the question is on the agenda, what's been said is, "Let's get past this headache one more time. We'll pay any price now and think about it later." If Turkey tries to link the resolution of the problem to research conclusions of the commission or commissions to be formed, then it falls right into this "buying time" playbook.
Overcoming a legacy of lies
The resolution of the problem has nothing to do with any archival research or conclusions that will be drawn by a commission.
Taraf: Couldn't different commissions be formed on the subject?
TA: You need to clarify what it is that you need to achieve. The enlightenment of Turkish society is a priority; to help people who have been spoon-fed lies for over 90 years learn the truth. Society's lack of information and the need to address that is a priority. In order to do that, you need candid and free discourse on the subject. I have my doubts that this can be achieved without rescinding Article 301 of the Turkish Criminal Code. There are intellectuals among us who are still being prosecuted and punished for using the word "genocide." Before you start forming commissions, you need to remove the obstacles that prevent an honest and open discourse.
Of course you can form commissions. Those commissions could be bestowed with the duty of creating the kind of atmosphere that will lay the groundwork for a positive reception, by each country's public opinion, to a resolution. The most fundamental problem is the creation of trust. The commissions should really be formed not to come to a conclusion about history but to create trust between the two countries. Starting with the parliaments of each respective country, commissions that would oversee various organizations should be formed on the civil society level, and these commissions should endeavor to promote mutual understanding and growing trust between these societies.
